Is ‘black tax’ a burden or part of ubuntu?

The latter draws from our historical practices of communism and communalism as gatherers and hunters. At the centre of most African societies is the concept of sharing and progressing together as a larger family, otherwise known as ubuntu. 

BLACK tax has been discussed on a number of occasions; some see it as an inconvenience, while others believe it to be a component of African culture.

The latter draws from our historical practices of communism and communalism as gatherers and hunters. At the centre of most African societies is the concept of sharing and progressing together as a larger family, otherwise known as ubuntu. 

The ‘black tax’ today is seen as a financial burden borne by Africans who have achieved a certain level of success and who provide support to less financially secure family members.

The term includes the remittances and financial transactions and the assumed burdens that are borne by the middle- and upper-class families. It is considered a burden because it takes away money that could have been saved or invested.  But aren’t we products of other people’s sacrifice and investment?

As noted earlier, giving and sharing have been the fulcrum of most societies across the world. In Western countries, the same concept existed for many centuries and history bears many accounts of generosity.

However, the concept died during the rise of industrialisation which ushered in capitalism when individualism became the order of the day. It disenfranchised the idea of a family — the bedrock of society and humanity.

The idea was to pressure people to trade labour in the industries. Then there was a choice to stay at home, farm or sell labour in the emerging manufacturing sector. From then, individualism became part of the cultural fabric of Western societies. You eat what you work for. If you are poor, you are either condemned to social welfare or on your own. The sense of family and community also died.

It would be unfair to generalise. An economy such as Ireland’s was built by those in the diaspora who sent money home to help family members and for family investments. Today it is the 13th biggest economy in Europe. The recipients of the ‘black tax’ stayed focused on the bigger picture.

More than 10 million Chinese, who work in different parts of the world, send money back home. China received over 20 times more remittances from abroad in 2021 than the value it sent to other countries. By 2023, China received an estimated US$51 billion in remittances, the third largest in the world.

In the Middle East, the general practice is that those gainfully employed share their earnings among family members who do not have an income. They approach the concept from humanity and dignity perspectives — no family member must look poor when others are gainfully employed. They share.

Most Somalis in the diaspora pool funds to help those newly arrived with startup money for business projects. That is on condition that the recipient trades with and among his Somali colleagues and will also contribute towards the pooled funds once the business takes off. That is why it is rare to find a Somali looking for a job in countries such as South Africa and others. They respect the “black tax” commitment.

Why then is the black tax now viewed in a negative manner among some African societies? There are several reasons and here are just a few. First is that in some cases it comes as an obligation when it is supposed to be voluntary. This does not include one’s parents or young siblings who are inherently beneficiaries of “black tax” if you are the only successful one.

The issue is when “black tax” extends to the larger family. Ever heard those uncles and aunties say, “How do you feel driving such a nice car when your nephews or nieces can not afford to attend school due to lack of school fees.” They plant that sense of guilt and yet deny you the power to monitor progress after succumbing to the pressure. You must just give and look aside.

Second, in some cases there is wastefulness and recklessness which makes the concept look like promoting dependence and laziness. It is common to hear young people boasting that they do not have to work hard because they have a brother or sister working in the city or in the diaspora. They cannot imagine the sacrifice that comes with employment and the pain of giving part of hard-earned income to sponsor a living or a dream for someone who does not share the same vision.

Third is the minimum or no returns and sometimes frustrations in the sacrifice of one’s earnings towards trying to uplift other family members who may not be keen to progress or are content with their situation. There are just too many stories of people sending money to transform the lives of their family members and yet the recipients view that generosity as party time. Too many houses have not been built. Too many projects have not been implemented. Too many children have been sent to school and never completed. The cash is squandered because they see the support as an achievement, therefore, party time.

The fourth reason is that ‘black tax’ makes sense in a context where economies function. Not everyone is wasteful. In most cases, ‘black tax’ is used to pay school fees, temporarily help those who need a hand and to finance family projects.

In a context such as Zimbabwe where the economy is not properly functioning with most of the remittance trickling down to South Africa to buy household materials, it is not easy to see the reward of black tax. The rest of the money goes towards consumption. Now if the sender of the money is not connected to the situation back home, it is easy to conclude that sending money to support family members is a burden instead of an investment.

Tapiwa Gomo is a development consultant based in Pretoria, South Africa. He writes here in his personal capacity.

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